The Actual History
British Columbia's approach to resource development has been characterized by a complex interplay of economic priorities, shifting environmental awareness, and evolving relationships with Indigenous peoples. Since the province joined Confederation in 1871, resource extraction—particularly forestry, mining, and later oil and gas—has formed the backbone of its economy.
The post-World War II era witnessed an intensification of resource development under W.A.C. Bennett's Social Credit government (1952-1972). Bennett championed a "province-building" agenda that emphasized large-scale hydroelectric projects like the W.A.C. Bennett Dam, extensive road construction, and rapid expansion of forestry operations. This development model prioritized economic growth and maximizing revenue through resource extraction, often with limited environmental oversight or Indigenous consultation.
By the 1970s, provincial policies began shifting slightly with the election of Dave Barrett's NDP government (1972-1975), which established the Agricultural Land Reserve to protect farmland and raised forest royalty rates. However, the subsequent Social Credit governments under Bill Bennett (1975-1986) and Bill Vander Zalm (1986-1991) largely returned to prioritizing industrial development, albeit with growing environmental regulations in response to public pressure.
The "War in the Woods" of the 1980s and 1990s marked a significant turning point as environmental movements gained prominence. Conflicts over old-growth logging in areas like Clayoquot Sound in 1993 drew international attention, resulting in over 900 arrests and highlighting tensions between economic and environmental interests. While these protests led to some protected areas, they did not fundamentally alter the province's resource development model.
The Mountain Pine Beetle epidemic beginning in the late 1990s devastated BC's interior forests, leading to accelerated harvesting of dead and dying timber but also creating longer-term forestry challenges. Concurrently, the development of natural gas in northeastern BC intensified, with the provincial government promoting liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facilities after 2010 as a key economic opportunity.
Indigenous rights gained greater recognition following the landmark Delgamuukw (1997) and Tsilhqot'in (2014) Supreme Court decisions, which acknowledged Aboriginal title and required meaningful consultation. However, despite rhetorical shifts toward reconciliation, conflicts between resource development and Indigenous rights persisted, exemplified by disputes over projects like the Coastal GasLink pipeline.
By the 2020s, British Columbia's resource policies reflected an uneasy balance between continuing extraction, growing environmental regulation, and incremental advances in Indigenous participation. The province maintained significant forestry operations (despite diminishing timber supply), expanded mining activity, and pursued natural gas development while simultaneously implementing climate initiatives like the carbon tax (introduced in 2008) and CleanBC plan. This balancing act produced ongoing tensions, with critics arguing that BC's approach remained fundamentally extractive despite sustainability rhetoric.
Throughout this history, resource revenue sharing with First Nations remained limited and project-specific rather than systematic, while environmental regulations, though strengthened over time, often took a back seat to economic imperatives during periods of fiscal constraint or resource booms. The cumulative result has been a resource development model that attempted to accommodate competing interests but frequently prioritized short-term economic gains over long-term sustainability and meaningful Indigenous partnerships.
The Point of Divergence
What if British Columbia had fundamentally reimagined its approach to resource development in the early 1970s? In this alternate timeline, we explore a scenario where the province implemented a radically different model of resource management during a critical juncture in its economic and political development.
The point of divergence occurs in 1972 when Dave Barrett's NDP government came to power. While Barrett's actual administration introduced several important reforms, in this alternate timeline his government goes much further by implementing the recommendations of a fictional "Commission on Sustainable Resource Development and Indigenous Rights" established in the final days of W.A.C. Bennett's administration. This hypothetical commission, created reluctantly by Bennett in response to growing environmental concerns and Indigenous activism, delivers a far-reaching report that Barrett's government embraces rather than shelving.
There are several plausible mechanisms for this divergence:
First, the timing coincided with emerging environmental consciousness globally, exemplified by the 1972 UN Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm. In our timeline, this influenced BC politics marginally, but in the alternate timeline, Barrett's government views the conference as a blueprint rather than an aspiration.
Second, internal NDP politics might have shifted. In actual history, economic pragmatism tempered Barrett's progressive inclinations on resource issues. In this alternate scenario, key cabinet members like Bob Williams (Minister of Lands, Forests and Water Resources) successfully advocate for more transformative approaches, arguing that long-term economic stability requires sustainable resource practices.
Third, First Nations leadership in BC might have formed more effective coalitions earlier. While Indigenous activism was growing in the early 1970s, the alternate timeline sees earlier coordination of legal and political strategies, perhaps catalyzed by the 1973 Calder case (which in our timeline established that Aboriginal title had existed in Canadian law).
Finally, economic calculations might have differed. The 1973 oil crisis and subsequent economic turbulence actually encouraged more aggressive resource extraction in our timeline. In the alternate scenario, these same disruptions prompt provincial economists to recommend diversification away from resource dependence and toward sustainable management models that could weather global economic volatility.
Through some combination of these factors, BC embarks on a dramatically different path of resource development from 1972 onward—one that prioritizes sustainable yield, Indigenous co-management, value-added processing, and long-term planning over the boom-and-bust cycles that characterized much of the province's actual resource history.
Immediate Aftermath
Forestry Revolution
The most immediate and visible changes occur in BC's forestry sector, the province's economic engine and largest employer in the early 1970s.
Barrett's government implements sweeping reforms that upend the existing timber harvesting license system. Rather than continuing the concentration of forest tenures among a handful of large corporations, the province creates a three-tiered system: community forests co-managed with local municipalities, First Nations forestry zones with exclusive Indigenous management rights, and modified corporate tenures with stricter environmental requirements.
By 1975, the province establishes the BC Value-Added Forest Products Corporation, a Crown corporation mandated to reduce raw log exports and develop domestic processing capacity. This entity provides low-interest loans to small and medium-sized wood manufacturing enterprises, particularly those in rural communities and those with First Nations partnerships.
The immediate economic impact is turbulent. Several major forest companies, including MacMillan Bloedel, threaten to withdraw investments from the province. Unemployment in forestry-dependent communities temporarily spikes in 1974-75 as the industry restructures. The Social Credit opposition under Bill Bennett campaigns aggressively against these reforms, characterizing them as "economic suicide."
However, by 1976-77, the initial disruption begins yielding to new patterns of economic activity. Employment in value-added wood manufacturing grows by 35% between 1974 and 1978, partially offsetting job losses in conventional logging. First Nations communities like the Nuu-chah-nulth on Vancouver Island establish their first community forestry operations, creating unprecedented economic opportunities.
Mining and Energy Sector Reforms
In the mining sector, the Barrett government introduces the Mineral Resources Conservation Act of 1973, establishing stricter environmental standards and a progressive royalty system that captures a larger share of windfall profits during commodity price booms.
The most controversial aspect of the legislation requires mining companies to establish substantial reclamation bonds prior to project approval. Mining associations predict massive investment flight, and indeed, exploration activity drops by 40% in 1974. However, by 1976, companies begin adapting to the new regulatory environment, focusing on higher-grade deposits that remain profitable under the new rules.
In energy development, the province cancels two proposed hydroelectric dams on the Peace and Columbia river systems, instead launching the BC Renewable Energy Initiative. This program funds research into small-scale hydro, early solar technologies, and experimental geothermal projects. While these alternatives cannot match the generating capacity of the canceled dams in the short term, they establish British Columbia as an early leader in alternative energy research.
Indigenous Partnerships
The most transformative immediate change comes in the relationship between the provincial government and First Nations. In 1974, Barrett's government establishes the groundbreaking First Nations Resource Co-Management Framework, acknowledging Aboriginal rights to land and resources decades before court decisions would force similar recognition in our timeline.
This framework creates Resource Management Boards with equal representation from provincial officials and First Nations members for each traditional territory. While these boards initially have limited authority, focused primarily on consultation rather than control, they establish the institutional infrastructure for a fundamentally different relationship.
By 1975, the province signs the first ten Comprehensive Resource Agreements with First Nations, including the Haida, Nisga'a, and Carrier nations. These agreements provide revenue sharing, co-management authority, and funding for capacity development. Mining and forestry companies initially resist negotiating with these new entities but gradually adapt as it becomes clear that this approach will be institutionalized regardless of electoral outcomes.
Political Consequences
The radical nature of these reforms contributes to Barrett's electoral defeat in 1975, as in our timeline. However, in this alternate reality, enough elements of the new resource management approach have become institutionalized that Bill Bennett's incoming Social Credit government finds it impossible to fully reverse course.
Bennett modifies rather than abolishes the signature programs, particularly after several First Nations secure injunctions protecting their newly established resource agreements. The Value-Added Forest Products Corporation is privatized but continues operating with a revised mandate. Environmental standards are relaxed somewhat but not eliminated.
Most significantly, Bennett's government discovers unexpected benefits from the new approach. International markets, particularly in Europe, begin showing preference for BC forest products certified under the new sustainability standards, allowing for premium pricing that offsets some of the higher production costs. Additionally, reduced social conflict with First Nations communities creates a more stable investment environment in certain regions.
By 1980, a new hybrid model has emerged: more market-oriented than Barrett's original vision but substantially more sustainable and inclusive than BC's pre-1972 approach to resource development.
Long-term Impact
Forestry Evolution (1980s-2025)
British Columbia's transformed approach to forestry produces dramatic long-term differences compared to our timeline. By the mid-1980s, the province's forestry sector has evolved into a diversified ecosystem rather than remaining dominated by a handful of massive corporations focused on commodity production.
Sustainable Harvesting and Industry Structure
The early implementation of sustainable yield principles and landscape-level planning prevents the overcutting that occurred in our timeline. When the Mountain Pine Beetle epidemic hits in the late 1990s, its impact, while still significant, is less catastrophic because forestry practices had already fostered more diverse, resilient forest ecosystems. The outbreak affects approximately 40% less territory than in our actual history.
By 2000, BC's forestry sector has the following distinctive characteristics:
- A network of over 80 community forests managing approximately 20% of the allowable annual cut, providing stable employment in rural communities
- First Nations-controlled forestry operations managing another 25% of harvestable timberlands
- Traditional corporate tenures covering the remaining 55%, but operating under stricter sustainability requirements
This diversified structure proves economically resilient during market downturns. When US softwood lumber duties devastate many Canadian forest companies between 2001-2006, BC's value-added sector—focused on specialized products less affected by these tariffs—continues to grow, increasing by 15% while commodity production contracts.
Global Leadership in Sustainable Forestry
By the 2010s, British Columbia becomes globally recognized for sustainable forestry practices. The province's early adoption of ecosystem-based management positions it advantageously as international markets increasingly demand certified sustainable wood products.
The BC Forestry Certification System, developed in the 1990s and incorporating Indigenous knowledge alongside scientific forestry practices, becomes a model adopted by several other jurisdictions, including parts of Scandinavia and New Zealand. By 2020, BC wood products command premium prices in European and Japanese markets specifically because of their sustainability credentials.
This approach also helps forestry communities weather the industry-wide contractions of the 2010s. While forestry employment still decreases due to automation and efficiency improvements, the decline is approximately 30% less severe than in our timeline, and the transition is more managed, with greater emphasis on retraining workers for value-added processing roles.
Mining and Energy Development (1980s-2025)
Mining Sector Transformation
The mining sector undergoes a slower but equally profound transformation. The progressive royalty system established in the 1970s provides the province with substantial revenue during commodity booms (particularly the 2003-2011 supercycle), generating capital for a BC Resource Sustainability Fund that reaches $40 billion by 2014—similar to Norway's oil fund but on a smaller scale.
By the 2000s, BC's mining regulations are considered among the world's most stringent, yet the province still attracts significant investment due to its mineral wealth, political stability, and transparent rules. The sector evolves toward higher-value, lower-impact operations:
- Several proposed large-scale open-pit mines that were approved in our timeline (like the Prosperity Mine) are either rejected or redesigned with substantially smaller footprints
- Underground mining techniques see greater investment and technological innovation to reduce surface disturbance
- A cluster of mining technology firms develops around Vancouver and Kamloops, specializing in more precise extraction methods and advanced reclamation techniques
When global demand for critical minerals for clean technology accelerates in the 2010s, BC is positioned to respond with operations that meet the highest environmental standards, creating a niche in "responsibly sourced" materials for the green economy.
Energy Pathway Divergence
The energy sector in this alternate timeline diverges dramatically from our own. The early investments in renewable energy research in the 1970s position BC as a North American leader in clean energy technology. By the mid-1980s, the province has established the Pacific Institute for Renewable Energy, which becomes a global center for hydrokinetic and geothermal research.
The most significant long-term divergence occurs in natural gas development. Rather than the aggressive push for LNG exports that characterized BC policy in our timeline from 2010 onward, this alternate BC takes a more measured approach:
- Natural gas development continues in the northeast, but with stricter methane emission controls implemented in the 1990s (decades before similar regulations in our timeline)
- Rather than focusing on export terminals, the province prioritizes domestic value-added processing, establishing a petrochemical sector that produces higher-value products
- By 2015, when global LNG prices collapse, BC has only one medium-sized export facility rather than having invested billions in now-uneconomic infrastructure
The province also develops a different electricity system. Without the Site C dam (which in our timeline faced significant cost overruns and environmental concerns), BC instead develops a more distributed generation network combining run-of-river hydro, wind farms (particularly on the north coast), and innovative geothermal plants tapping the volcanic resources of the Garibaldi belt.
By 2025, BC generates approximately 97% of its electricity from renewable sources (compared to 95% in our timeline), but with a more diverse and resilient generation mix.
Indigenous Resource Governance (1980s-2025)
The most transformative long-term change occurs in Indigenous participation in resource governance. The early recognition of Aboriginal rights to land and resources—decades before court decisions forced similar acknowledgments in our timeline—creates fundamentally different economic and political dynamics.
From Co-Management to Self-Determination
The Resource Management Boards established in the 1970s evolve from consultative bodies to genuine co-governance institutions. By the 1990s, First Nations' authority in resource decision-making is substantially normalized within the BC economy.
This process accelerates after 1997, when the Delgamuukw decision (which still occurs in this timeline, though with different specifics) affirms the legal foundation for Aboriginal title. Unlike our timeline, where governments and industries often sought to minimize the implications of this ruling, in the alternate scenario it builds upon an existing framework of Indigenous resource rights.
By 2010, approximately 40% of BC's land base is under some form of recognized First Nations management authority, existing either through formal treaties (more numerous in this timeline) or through resource governance agreements. This creates a dramatically different economic landscape:
- Indigenous-owned enterprises become major players in the resource economy, collectively generating over $4 billion annually by 2020
- Many First Nations communities that experience extreme poverty in our timeline achieve economic self-sufficiency through resource revenue sharing and direct participation in development
- Educational outcomes, health indicators, and employment rates in Indigenous communities show marked improvement compared to our timeline
International Recognition and Influence
British Columbia's approach to Indigenous resource governance becomes internationally recognized. Delegations from Australia, New Zealand, and Scandinavian countries regularly visit to study the BC model of shared resource management with Indigenous peoples.
The province hosts the groundbreaking Global Indigenous Resource Management Conference in 2015, establishing international standards for Indigenous participation in natural resource development. These principles, often referred to as the "Vancouver Protocols," influence resource governance approaches in several other jurisdictions.
Environmental and Economic Outcomes (1980s-2025)
The cumulative effect of these alternative approaches manifests in markedly different environmental and economic conditions by 2025.
Environmental Differences
Environmentally, this alternate British Columbia preserves significantly more biodiversity and intact ecosystems:
- Old-growth forest coverage remains approximately 15% higher than in our timeline
- Watershed health indicators show measurably better outcomes, with salmon populations in particular demonstrating greater resilience
- Greenhouse gas emissions from the resource sector are approximately 30% lower, positioning the province to achieve its climate targets without the same level of economic disruption
These environmental benefits translate into stronger nature-based tourism opportunities. By 2020, BC's ecotourism sector generates nearly $2 billion more annually than in our timeline, partly offsetting reduced revenues from conventional resource extraction.
Economic Tradeoffs and Benefits
Economically, the picture is mixed but demonstrates greater stability. Overall resource production volumes are lower—timber harvests approximately 20% below our timeline's peak, mineral production about 15% lower—but the economic value captured within the province is higher due to:
- More extensive processing before export
- Higher-value products commanding premium prices in international markets
- Greater local ownership and profit retention
- More stable employment patterns with fewer boom-bust cycles
The provincial economy is more diversified, with resource technology and sustainability services forming a significant economic cluster that barely exists in our timeline. By 2025, these sectors collectively employ over 40,000 people and generate substantial intellectual property exports.
Most significantly, the benefits of resource development are distributed more equitably across the population. Rural communities show greater economic resilience, with fewer ghost towns and more stable population patterns. The extreme urban-rural divide that characterizes British Columbia in our timeline is notably less pronounced.
While the alternate BC's overall GDP growth might average slightly lower over the five decades (approximately 0.3% less annually), measures of well-being, regional equality, and economic security are markedly improved.
Expert Opinions
Dr. Thomas Berger, Former Supreme Court Justice and environmental law expert, offers this perspective: "The conventional wisdom has long held that there exists an inevitable trade-off between environmental protection and economic development. British Columbia's actual history has largely followed this assumption, treating sustainability as a luxury to be afforded only during prosperous times. In an alternate timeline where the province rejected this false dichotomy from the 1970s onward, we might have discovered that thoughtful resource management creates more durable prosperity than boom-and-bust extraction. The key insight is that environmental protection and Indigenous rights recognition are not constraints on development but rather preconditions for sustainable economic success over generations. The tragedy of our actual path is not that we eventually moved toward sustainable practices, but that we waited until courts forced our hand and after much of the damage was already done."
Dr. Jennifer Watkins, Professor of Resource Economics at the University of British Columbia, provides a different analysis: "An alternative approach to BC resource development would have created fascinating economic trade-offs. The conventional path maximized short-term revenue generation and job creation, particularly during resource booms, while deferring environmental and social costs. An early shift toward sustainability would have reduced peak extraction rates but likely created more stable long-term revenue streams and different types of employment. The most significant economic difference would appear in what economists call 'path dependency'—once you start down a particular development path, it creates its own momentum and institutions. By establishing different resource institutions in the 1970s, this alternate British Columbia would have developed entirely different economic strengths and vulnerabilities. While our actual resource economy excelled at efficiently extracting and exporting raw materials, this alternative path might have created comparative advantages in resource governance, sustainability technologies, and value-added processing that would position the province very differently in today's economy."
Chief Sophie Pierre, former Chief of the Ktunaxa Nation and Indigenous governance expert, reflects: "When we consider how differently British Columbia might have developed with early recognition of Indigenous resource rights, we must acknowledge that this wasn't some radical impossibility—it was a path consciously not taken. The provincial and federal governments made deliberate choices to fight Aboriginal title in the courts for decades rather than embrace partnership models that might have benefited everyone. In an alternate timeline where meaningful co-management began in the 1970s rather than the 2010s, we would see not just different economic outcomes, but healing in the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples that remains elusive in our actual history. First Nations would have developed governance capacity and economic expertise generations earlier, while the province would have benefited from traditional ecological knowledge being incorporated into resource management from the beginning. The reconciliation we now struggle to achieve might have evolved organically through decades of practical cooperation rather than emerging reluctantly from courtroom battles."
Further Reading
- Resource Communities in a Globalizing Region: Development, Agency, and Contestation in Northern British Columbia by Paul Bowles
- The Return of the Wolf: Conflict and Coexistence by Paula Wild
- British Columbia: Land of Promises by Patricia E. Roy
- Bounded Rationality and Economic Diplomacy: The Politics of Investment Treaties in Developing Countries by Lauge N. Skovgaard Poulsen
- Aboriginal Peoples and Forest Lands in Canada by D.B. Tindall
- Resource Communities in a Globalizing Region: Development, Agency, and Contestation in Northern British Columbia by Paul Bowles and Gary N. Wilson