The Actual History
On October 1, 2017, the Autonomous Community of Catalonia held a controversial independence referendum despite being declared illegal by Spain's Constitutional Court. Amid significant police violence that injured over 800 civilians, 92% of participants voted for independence, though turnout reached only 43% as many unionists boycotted the illegal vote. This referendum represented the culmination of escalating tensions between Barcelona and Madrid that had intensified since 2010, when Spain's Constitutional Court struck down portions of a 2006 Statute of Autonomy that would have granted Catalonia greater self-governance.
Catalonia's regional president Carles Puigdemont proclaimed the referendum results valid and, on October 27, 2017, the Catalan Parliament unilaterally declared independence. The Spanish government under Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy immediately responded by invoking Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, temporarily suspending Catalan autonomy and imposing direct rule from Madrid. Rajoy also dismissed the entire Catalan government and called for new regional elections.
Facing charges of sedition and rebellion, Puigdemont fled to Belgium while several independence leaders were arrested. The Spanish government's firm response effectively ended the independence bid, though it exacerbated political divisions both in Catalonia and across Spain. The December 2017 regional elections again produced a slim pro-independence majority in the Catalan Parliament, but the independence movement remained fragmented.
In the years since, Catalonia has continued as an autonomous region within Spain, though political tensions persist. The 2019 Supreme Court verdict sentencing nine independence leaders to 9-13 years in prison for sedition triggered massive protests in Barcelona. Though these leaders received pardons in 2021 under Socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez in a gesture of reconciliation, the fundamental constitutional questions remain unresolved.
The Catalan independence movement draws strength from the region's distinct cultural and linguistic identity, as well as economic grievances, with Catalans producing about 20% of Spain's GDP while receiving proportionally less in government investment. However, the movement faces significant obstacles: Catalan society remains deeply divided on independence, the Spanish Constitution explicitly affirms the nation's "indissoluble unity," and the European Union has consistently refused to support separatist movements within member states.
By 2025, while pro-independence sentiment continues to influence Catalan politics, the initial momentum from 2017 has largely dissipated. The COVID-19 pandemic, economic challenges, and shifting political priorities have pushed independence further down the agenda. The constitutional stalemate continues, with no clear path toward either independence or constitutional reform that might satisfy Catalan nationalist aspirations within a reformed Spanish state.
The Point of Divergence
What if Catalonia's bid for independence had succeeded in 2017? In this alternate timeline, we explore a scenario where a confluence of factors created a different outcome for the Catalan secession crisis, leading to Europe's first successful separatist movement in decades and fundamentally altering the map of Western Europe.
The point of divergence could have occurred through several plausible mechanisms:
First, the Spanish government's response to the referendum might have been strategically different. Instead of sending riot police to forcibly close polling stations—which created powerful images of state violence against voters that galvanized international sympathy—Prime Minister Rajoy might have chosen to simply declare the referendum void without attempting to physically prevent it. This would have reduced international criticism and denied independence supporters their most compelling narrative.
Alternatively, the European Union might have adopted a different stance. While the EU historically supports territorial integrity of member states, had key EU leaders like France's Emmanuel Macron or Germany's Angela Merkel chosen to recognize Catalonia's democratic expression (perhaps motivated by displeasure with Spain's handling of the economic crisis or concerns about police violence), international legitimacy for independence would have dramatically increased.
A third possibility involves broader public mobilization. If the October 3rd general strike had expanded into sustained civil resistance making Catalonia ungovernable, Madrid might have faced impossible choices between allowing de facto independence or engaging in prolonged military occupation of a region with 7.5 million inhabitants.
The most compelling scenario combines these elements: following international condemnation of police violence during the referendum, the Catalan government proceeded with its independence declaration backed by massive public demonstrations. Crucially, in this timeline, the Catalan regional police force (Mossos d'Esquadra) sided with the independence government rather than complying with Madrid's orders. With control of key infrastructure and institutions already in separatist hands, and facing international pressure, the Spanish government reluctantly entered negotiations rather than risking civil conflict in one of its wealthiest regions.
Immediate Aftermath
Constitutional Crisis in Spain
The immediate consequence of Catalonia's successful secession bid was an unprecedented constitutional crisis in Spain. Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's government collapsed within weeks as opposition parties, blaming his heavy-handed approach for the loss of Catalonia, united to force a vote of no confidence. The Spanish monarchy, a symbol of national unity since the transition to democracy in the 1970s, faced its deepest legitimacy crisis as King Felipe VI was viewed by many Spaniards as having failed in his constitutional role of arbitrating between territories and institutions.
Emergency elections brought a coalition government to power with a mandate to reform Spain's territorial model, but the psychological shock of Catalonia's departure radicalized Spanish politics. Far-right party Vox gained unprecedented support with its platform of "reconquering" Catalonia, while left-wing Podemos advocated for recognizing the new reality through a "friendly divorce" that would maintain close ties with the newly independent state.
Catalonia's Challenging Transition
For Catalonia, the transition to independence proved far more difficult than separatist leaders had promised voters. President Carles Puigdemont returned from exile to head the new state, but his government faced immediate challenges:
Economic Turbulence: Over 4,000 companies, including major banks CaixaBank and Banco Sabadell, relocated their legal headquarters from Catalonia to other Spanish regions in the first six months following independence. The Catalan economy contracted by 7.5% in the first year as investment fled amid uncertainty. Unemployment spiked to 22% by mid-2018.
Currency Questions: Without an agreement with the European Central Bank, Catalonia found itself in a monetary limbo. The new country initially continued using the Euro without formal authorization (similar to Montenegro), but faced significant banking and payment system disruptions. The Catalan government began preparations for a potential new currency while simultaneously negotiating for Eurozone membership.
Border Complications: The establishment of a border with Spain created immediate practical problems. Initial customs checks caused massive traffic jams at the border, while businesses dependent on frictionless movement of goods faced supply chain disruptions. The tourism industry, representing 12% of Catalonia's GDP, suffered a 35% decline in the first year as uncertainty deterred visitors.
International Reactions
The international community split in its response to Catalan independence, creating a complex diplomatic environment:
European Union Divided: The EU initially refused to recognize Catalonia's unilateral secession, considering it an internal Spanish matter. However, as the reality on the ground solidified, practical engagement became necessary. The European Commission established a "Special Contact Group" to handle relations with Barcelona while avoiding formal recognition. Several members, including Ireland, Belgium, and Slovenia, broke ranks to recognize Catalan independence, creating tensions within the bloc.
Broader International Recognition: By mid-2018, approximately 45 countries had recognized Catalonia's independence, primarily small states in Latin America, Africa, and Eastern Europe. Major powers like the United States, China, and Russia maintained strategic ambiguity, neither formally recognizing Catalonia nor explicitly rejecting its independence.
Separatist Movements Energized: Catalonia's success immediately energized separatist movements across Europe. In Scotland, First Minister Nicola Sturgeon called for a second independence referendum citing the "Catalan precedent," while Corsican, Flemish, and Northern Italian autonomist movements gained momentum. The EU hastily convened a special summit on "regional autonomy and integration" aimed at containing the contagion effect.
Diplomatic Negotiations
By early 2018, practical necessity forced Madrid and Barcelona to the negotiating table despite Spain's continued refusal to formally recognize Catalan independence:
Asset and Debt Division: A contentious process began to divide state assets and apportion Spain's national debt, with Catalonia ultimately accepting responsibility for approximately 19% of Spain's debt burden (roughly proportional to its GDP contribution).
Citizenship Arrangements: A transitional agreement allowed residents of Catalonia to maintain dual Spanish-Catalan citizenship for a five-year period, with a subsequent choice requirement. This created complex situations for millions of Catalans with family, property, and business connections throughout Spain.
Infrastructure Coordination: Critical shared infrastructure, including water systems, electrical grids, and transportation networks required immediate cooperative management frameworks despite the political rupture.
As the first year of independence concluded, both Catalonia and Spain found themselves navigating uncharted waters, with the initial euphoria of independence supporters giving way to the sobering realities of building a new state in the heart of Europe.
Long-term Impact
Catalonia's Economic Transformation
By 2025, after eight years of independence, Catalonia's economy had undergone a fundamental transformation, experiencing both predicted challenges and unexpected developments:
Initial Economic Contraction and Recovery: The first three years of independence saw Catalonia's economy contract by approximately 12% cumulatively as it absorbed the shock of separation from Spain. However, by 2021, signs of recovery emerged as the new republic established economic stability and confidence. The government's aggressive fiscal policies to attract international investment, including a corporate tax rate of just 15% (compared to Spain's 25%), began drawing new businesses, particularly in technology and research sectors.
New Economic Orientation: Catalonia's economic ties gradually shifted away from Spain (which had represented 35% of Catalan exports pre-independence) toward France, Germany, and global markets. By 2025, Spain accounted for only 18% of Catalan trade, while trade with other EU countries and North America increased substantially. Barcelona strengthened its position as a Mediterranean business hub, benefiting from its strategic location between Southern Europe and North Africa.
Monetary Policy Evolution: After three years of using the Euro without formal authorization, Catalonia established its own currency, the Catalan Crown (Corona Catalana), in 2021. Initially pegged to the Euro, this move gave the new Central Bank of Catalonia monetary policy flexibility during the crucial rebuilding period. By 2025, discussions about potential Eurozone membership had resumed as the economy stabilized.
Fiscal Freedom and Challenges: Independence eliminated the fiscal deficit with Spain (estimated at 8-10 billion euros annually before secession), allowing more tax revenue to remain in Catalonia. However, the costs of establishing new state structures and institutions, combined with the initial economic downturn, created substantial budget deficits requiring significant government borrowing at high interest rates due to Catalonia's unproven credit history.
Spain's Political Realignment
The loss of Catalonia triggered a fundamental reconsideration of Spain's territorial model and national identity:
Constitutional Reform: After years of contentious debate, Spain adopted a new constitution in 2023 that transformed the country into a proper federal state, granting significantly expanded autonomy to regions like the Basque Country, Galicia, and Valencia to prevent further separatist momentum. The Senate was reformed to serve as a genuine chamber of territorial representation, giving autonomous communities direct input into national policy.
Economic Adjustments: Without Catalonia's economic contribution (previously about 20% of GDP), Spain initially struggled with reduced tax revenues and increased debt-to-GDP ratio. However, some regions, particularly Madrid and Valencia, benefited from businesses relocating from Catalonia. By 2025, Spain's economy had largely adjusted to the new reality, though per capita GDP remained 7% below pre-secession levels.
Political Landscape: The traditional two-party system never recovered from the crisis. By 2025, Spanish politics had fragmented into regional and ideological blocs, with coalitions becoming the norm. The monarchy survived but emerged with diminished influence and prestige.
European Union Transformation
The successful secession of Catalonia forced the EU to reconsider fundamental aspects of its structure and future expansion:
Catalonia's EU Status: After three years as a non-member state with special arrangements, Catalonia gained formal EU candidate status in 2021. By 2025, it had completed approximately 60% of the accession process chapters, with full membership projected for 2028-2029. During this transition, special protocols allowed for continued participation in key EU programs and partial access to the single market in exchange for financial contributions.
"Internal Enlargement" Doctrine: The European Commission developed a new "Internal Enlargement" framework establishing clear procedures for regions seceding from member states. This controversial doctrine required regions to temporarily exit the EU upon independence but provided an accelerated path to reentry if criteria including democratic governance, market economy standards, and peaceful separation were met.
Regionalism vs. Nationalism: The EU increasingly positioned itself as an advocate for "regionalism within integration" rather than traditional nationalism. EU structural funds were reoriented to support cross-border regional development, and a new "Assembly of European Regions" was established alongside the European Parliament to provide formal representation for sub-national entities.
Global Ripple Effects
Catalonia's successful independence reverberated far beyond Spain's borders:
Separatist Movements Worldwide: The "Catalan model" of peaceful democratic separatism became a template studied by independence movements globally. Scotland held a second independence referendum in 2023 (narrowly voting to remain in the UK), while Quebec separatism reemerged as a significant political force in Canada. Even in established federations like the United States, discussions about state sovereignty gained renewed attention.
New Paradigm for Self-Determination: International law regarding self-determination evolved significantly, with the "Catalan Precedent" establishing new standards prioritizing democratic expression, peaceful processes, and cultural distinctiveness over traditional territorial integrity arguments. By 2025, the UN had established a Special Commission on Self-Determination to develop updated guidelines for managing separatist claims.
Foreign Policy of a New State: Independent Catalonia carved out a distinctive diplomatic niche, joining the "Small Advanced Economies Initiative" alongside countries like Singapore, New Zealand, and Denmark. Leveraging its Mediterranean location, Catalonia became a bridge between Europe and North Africa, establishing particularly strong relations with Morocco and Tunisia. By 2025, Catalonia had gained membership in most international organizations, including the OECD, Council of Europe, and WTO.
Cultural and Social Dynamics
The social fabric of both Catalonia and Spain underwent significant evolution:
Identity Evolution: In Catalonia, the initial sharp divide between independence supporters and unionists gradually softened as practical cooperation became necessary. By 2025, polling showed approximately 67% of Catalans had come to accept independence as their political reality, even among many who initially opposed it. A new civic Catalan identity emerged that attempted to incorporate both Catalan and Spanish cultural elements.
Language Policy: The Catalan language gained prominence, becoming dominant in education, government, and public life. However, pragmatic policies maintained Spanish as an official language and educational requirement, recognizing its importance for international commerce and the significant Spanish-speaking population. Multilingualism became a defining characteristic of Catalan society.
Demographic Shifts: Independence triggered population movements in both directions. Approximately 180,000 Spanish unionists left Catalonia during the first three years, while around 95,000 Catalans living elsewhere in Spain returned. By 2025, Catalonia had also become a significant destination for international professionals attracted by its combination of Mediterranean lifestyle, European integration, and business opportunities.
Barcelona as a Global City: The Catalan capital leveraged independence to reinvent itself as a truly global city. By aggressively promoting its cultural assets, technological innovation, and quality of life, Barcelona climbed into the top 15 in global city rankings by 2025, establishing itself as a genuine rival to Paris, Amsterdam, and Berlin for European prominence.
Expert Opinions
Dr. Montserrat Guibernau, Professor of Political Science at Queen Mary University of London, offers this perspective: "The successful Catalan secession of 2017 represents the most significant redrawing of Western European borders since German reunification. What makes it historically unique is that it occurred within a democratic context and without violence—though not without significant economic and diplomatic turbulence. Catalonia's path demonstrates that in the 21st century, state formation follows different patterns than in previous centuries, with economic viability, international networks, and democratic legitimacy proving more important than traditional factors like military capacity. Whether Catalonia becomes a sustainable model or a historical anomaly depends largely on its economic performance over the next decade and the EU's evolving approach to regional autonomy."
Professor Miguel Anxo Bastos Boubeta, Chair of Political Science at the University of Santiago de Compostela, provides a contrasting analysis: "The secession crisis of 2017 revealed fundamental weaknesses in Spain's constitutional settlement that had been papered over since the transition to democracy. While painful for Spain, Catalonia's independence has ultimately forced a healthy reconsideration of the territorial question that had remained unresolved since the Spanish Civil War. The new federal model emerging in Spain may actually prove more sustainable than the previous 'State of Autonomies' which satisfied neither centralists nor regionalists. Ironically, independent Catalonia and federal Spain may develop more productive relations in the coming decades than were possible under the forced marriage of the previous constitutional arrangement, though both will remain economically intertwined regardless of political boundaries."
Dr. Sophie Meunier, Research Scholar at Princeton University's EU Program, explains: "For the European Union, Catalan independence created an existential challenge that forced Brussels to navigate between contradictory principles: respect for member states' territorial integrity versus support for democratic expression and regional diversity. The 'Internal Enlargement' doctrine that emerged represents a typically European compromise—pragmatic but complex, maintaining high standards while providing clear pathways. Looking forward, the Catalan precedent may actually strengthen the EU in the long run by acknowledging Europe's complex identities and creating legitimate channels for their expression within the European framework. Rather than triggering the feared 'domino effect' of disintegration, the careful management of Catalan reintegration into the EU has reinforced the perception that European integration and regional autonomy are complementary rather than contradictory forces."
Further Reading
- Democratic Transitions: Conversations with World Leaders by Sergio Bitar and Abraham F. Lowenthal
- Secession: How Vermont and All the Other States Can Save Themselves from the Empire by Kirkpatrick Sale
- Measuring Peace: Principles, Practices, and Politics by Richard Caplan
- Nationalism and the Economy: Exploiting the Core by Eric Kaufmann
- Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State by Mark R. Beissinger
- Autonomy and Disintegration in Indonesia by Damien Kingsbury and Harry Aveling