The Actual History
On September 11, 2001, members of the terrorist organization al-Qaeda hijacked four commercial airliners in the United States. The hijackers intentionally crashed two planes into the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center in New York City and a third into the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia. The fourth plane, believed to be targeting either the U.S. Capitol or the White House, crashed in a field near Shanksville, Pennsylvania, after passengers fought back against the hijackers. The attacks killed 2,977 people, injured thousands more, and caused over $10 billion in property damage.
Nine days after the attacks, on September 20, 2001, President George W. Bush addressed a joint session of Congress, declaring a "War on Terror" against al-Qaeda and its allies. Bush famously stated: "Our war on terror begins with al-Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated." This speech marked the beginning of what would become known as the Global War on Terror (GWOT), a multinational military campaign aimed at dismantling terrorist organizations worldwide.
The first major military operation of this campaign was Operation Enduring Freedom, launched in Afghanistan on October 7, 2001. The United States, supported by coalition forces including the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, invaded Afghanistan with the stated goals of dismantling al-Qaeda, removing the Taliban regime that had harbored them, and establishing a democratic government. By December 2001, the Taliban had been removed from power, though they would later regroup and fight an insurgency that would last for nearly two decades.
In 2002, the Bush administration began shifting focus to Iraq, claiming that its leader, Saddam Hussein, possessed weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and had connections to al-Qaeda. These claims would later prove to be unfounded. On March 20, 2003, the United States invaded Iraq, quickly toppling Hussein's regime. However, the occupation faced significant challenges, including a growing insurgency and sectarian violence.
Domestically, the War on Terror led to substantial reorganization of the U.S. government. In November 2002, the Department of Homeland Security was established to coordinate domestic anti-terrorism efforts. The USA PATRIOT Act, signed into law on October 26, 2001, granted law enforcement agencies expanded surveillance and investigative powers, raising concerns about civil liberties.
Controversial practices emerged, including extraordinary rendition (the extrajudicial transfer of individuals to countries known for harsh interrogation techniques), enhanced interrogation techniques (later acknowledged as torture), and indefinite detention without trial at facilities like the Guantanamo Bay detention camp, which opened in January 2002.
The War on Terror expanded beyond Afghanistan and Iraq to include operations in numerous countries, including Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Syria, Libya, and the Philippines. These operations often involved drone strikes, special forces operations, and partnerships with local governments.
Over two decades, the War on Terror has resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths (including combatants, civilians, aid workers, and journalists), displaced millions, and cost the United States alone an estimated $8 trillion. While it has disrupted terrorist networks, including the killing of Osama bin Laden in 2011, it has also been criticized for creating power vacuums, exacerbating regional instability, fueling anti-American sentiment, and contributing to the rise of new terrorist groups like ISIS.
Despite formal declarations ending the Iraq War in 2011 (though troops would return to combat ISIS in 2014) and the Afghanistan War in 2021 (with a controversial withdrawal that saw the Taliban return to power), elements of the War on Terror continue today through ongoing counterterrorism operations worldwide.
The Point of Divergence
What if the United States had not launched a global War on Terror following the 9/11 attacks? In this alternate timeline, we explore a scenario where President George W. Bush, influenced by different advisors or his own instincts, pursued a significantly more restrained response to the September 11 attacks—one that treated terrorism primarily as a law enforcement and intelligence issue rather than a military one.
There are several plausible ways this divergence might have occurred:
First, Bush might have been influenced by advisors advocating a law enforcement approach rather than a military one. In reality, Secretary of State Colin Powell initially favored a measured response, while Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney pushed for military action. In our alternate timeline, Powell and like-minded officials could have been more persuasive, arguing successfully that treating terrorism as warfare would elevate terrorist groups to the status of legitimate combatants rather than criminals.
Second, the initial military plans presented to Bush might have been deemed too risky or insufficient. In the days following 9/11, military options for Afghanistan were limited, with the CIA and special forces playing central roles due to the lack of prepared conventional military plans. If these initial options had been judged inadequate, the administration might have pivoted more fully to intelligence and law enforcement tools while developing more targeted military options.
Third, Bush might have been influenced by international allies who favored a multinational law enforcement approach over military intervention. Many European nations, while sympathetic to the United States, were hesitant about open-ended military campaigns. In our alternate timeline, these concerns could have shaped American policy more decisively.
In this divergent scenario, President Bush's September 20, 2001, address takes a dramatically different tone. Rather than declaring a "War on Terror," he announces a "Global Campaign Against Terrorism"—emphasizing international cooperation through intelligence sharing, financial controls targeting terrorist funding, diplomatic pressure on states harboring terrorists, and targeted law enforcement operations. Military force is positioned as a last resort for specific, limited objectives rather than as the primary tool.
The speech emphasizes that the United States will bring the perpetrators of 9/11 to justice through legal means whenever possible, working within international frameworks while reserving the right to defend itself. Bush pledges to strengthen American security without compromising the values that make America worth defending—including civil liberties, due process, and respect for international law.
This approach fundamentally changes the trajectory of the early 21st century, with implications that would ripple through global politics, military affairs, economics, and civil liberties for decades to come.
Immediate Aftermath
Limited Military Response to Afghanistan
In this alternate timeline, rather than launching a full-scale invasion of Afghanistan, the United States pursues a much more limited military approach:
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Special Operations Focus: Rather than deploying tens of thousands of conventional troops, the U.S. relies primarily on CIA operatives, special forces teams, and precision airstrikes working alongside Northern Alliance fighters, similar to the early phases of Operation Enduring Freedom in our timeline.
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Explicit Limited Objectives: The mission is publicly defined as capturing or killing al-Qaeda leadership and dismantling their training camps, not regime change or nation-building.
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Diplomatic Pressure: The Bush administration issues a clear ultimatum to the Taliban: surrender bin Laden and al-Qaeda leaders or face targeted military action—but stops short of demanding the Taliban's removal from power.
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International Law Enforcement Framework: Military operations are framed as supporting international law enforcement efforts, with U.S. officials stressing that captured terrorists would face criminal trials rather than military tribunals.
By early 2002, this approach yields mixed results. Several mid-level al-Qaeda operatives are captured or killed, and many training camps are destroyed. However, key leaders, including Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, likely still escape to Pakistan's tribal areas, as they did in our timeline.
The Taliban, while weakened in certain areas, remains in control of significant portions of Afghanistan. Without the large-scale U.S. military presence that occurred in our timeline, the Taliban does not fully lose power but faces pressure to distance itself from al-Qaeda.
Transformation of Intelligence and Law Enforcement
The absence of a war footing redirects resources and attention toward intelligence and law enforcement capabilities:
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International Terrorism Task Forces: The FBI, working with Interpol and other international agencies, establishes joint terrorism task forces across dozens of countries focused on dismantling terrorist networks.
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Financial Intelligence Units: The Treasury Department's financial intelligence capabilities expand dramatically, freezing terrorist assets and tracking financial flows with unprecedented cooperation from international banking systems.
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Intelligence Community Reform: Congress passes more focused reforms of U.S. intelligence agencies, still addressing the coordination failures that contributed to 9/11 but without the sprawling reorganization that created the Department of Homeland Security in our timeline.
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Targeted Surveillance: Without the PATRIOT Act's broad authorities, law enforcement develops more targeted surveillance tools that require judicial oversight, focusing on specific terrorist networks rather than implementing mass surveillance programs.
This approach proves effective in disrupting numerous terrorist plots between 2002-2004, though some attacks likely still succeed, possibly including internationally coordinated strikes similar to the 2004 Madrid train bombings in our timeline.
Different Domestic Security Posture
Without the War on Terror paradigm, domestic security evolves along a different trajectory:
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Transportation Security: Air travel security is still significantly enhanced, with reinforced cockpit doors, air marshals, and improved passenger screening. However, the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) is structured differently, with greater emphasis on risk-based screening rather than universal protocols.
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Civil Liberties Preservation: Civil liberties groups successfully resist the most expansive surveillance proposals, resulting in stronger judicial oversight for counterterrorism investigations. The tension between security and liberty remains, but the balance tips more toward preserving constitutional protections.
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Immigration Policy: While immigration screening is enhanced, the United States avoids implementing broad policies targeting individuals from predominantly Muslim countries, potentially reducing alienation within Muslim American communities.
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Public Discourse: American politicians largely avoid rhetoric framing terrorism as an existential threat requiring wartime measures, instead emphasizing resilience and the strength of democratic institutions in the face of terrorist threats.
No Iraq War
The most significant immediate difference in this timeline is the absence of the Iraq War:
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Continued Containment: Without the War on Terror framework justifying preventive military action, the Bush administration continues the Clinton-era containment policy toward Iraq, maintaining sanctions and no-fly zones.
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Weapons Inspections: International pressure leads to the return of UN weapons inspectors to Iraq in late 2002, similar to our timeline. However, without the military buildup already underway, inspectors are given more time to complete their work.
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Intelligence Assessment: Intelligence agencies, not pressured to support a case for war, produce more measured assessments of Iraq's WMD programs and potential links to terrorist groups.
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Focus on Al-Qaeda: With counterterrorism efforts focused specifically on al-Qaeda and affiliated groups, the administration does not divert significant resources or attention to Iraq.
By 2004, international sanctions against Iraq might begin to weaken as evidence mounts that Saddam Hussein's regime no longer possesses significant WMD capabilities. However, Hussein remains in power, containing Iranian influence and maintaining Iraq's territorial integrity.
International Relations
The absence of a War on Terror significantly alters America's international relationships:
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Transatlantic Relations: Without disagreements over Iraq and controversial counterterrorism practices, the relationship between the United States and European allies remains stronger, with NATO focusing on coordinated counterterrorism efforts.
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Middle East Diplomacy: The United States maintains greater diplomatic credibility in the Middle East without the Iraq invasion, potentially allowing for more productive engagement on Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts and Iran's nuclear program.
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Russia and China: Without the distraction of major wars, the Bush administration potentially focuses more attention on the rising challenge of China and Russia's increasing assertiveness, possibly leading to earlier strategic reorientation.
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UN System: The United Nations plays a more central role in coordinating global counterterrorism efforts, with the United States working through rather than around international institutions.
By the 2004 U.S. presidential election, this approach to counterterrorism has become normalized, potentially changing the political dynamics of that election and subsequent American politics.
Long-term Impact
Evolution of Terrorist Threats
Without large-scale U.S. military interventions, the landscape of global terrorism would likely evolve differently over the following decades:
Al-Qaeda's Trajectory
- Core Leadership: Without the pressure of a full-scale invasion of Afghanistan, al-Qaeda's core leadership might retain greater operational capacity through the early 2000s. However, international intelligence cooperation would still degrade their capabilities over time.
- Regional Affiliates: Al-Qaeda affiliates in Yemen, Somalia, and the Maghreb would still emerge but might develop differently without the rallying cry of U.S. occupations in Muslim countries. These affiliates would likely focus more on regional goals rather than attacking Western targets.
- Ideological Evolution: The jihadist movement might remain more unified without the Iraq War creating conditions for the emergence of ISIS and the resulting split in the global jihadist movement.
Absence of ISIS
- No Iraq Power Vacuum: Without the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and subsequent de-Baathification policy, the power vacuum that enabled ISIS's rise in our timeline would not exist.
- Syrian Civil War Differences: When the Arab Spring reached Syria in 2011, the absence of battle-hardened jihadists from Iraq would likely mean a different trajectory for that conflict. While still devastating, the Syrian Civil War might not feature the same level of jihadist participation or territorial control.
Different Patterns of Terrorism
- More Dispersed Threats: Rather than the concentration of jihadist activity in war zones like Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria, terrorist activity might remain more geographically dispersed, resembling the pre-9/11 pattern but with enhanced international cooperation against it.
- Domestic Terrorism: Without the focus on jihadist terrorism, law enforcement might maintain more balanced attention to other forms of extremism, potentially better addressing the rise of right-wing extremism seen in our timeline.
Global Military Posture
The absence of the War on Terror would fundamentally reshape U.S. and global military development over the decades:
U.S. Military Evolution
- Force Structure: Without the counterinsurgency demands of Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. military would likely continue its pre-9/11 trajectory of focusing on high-technology conventional warfare capabilities rather than counterinsurgency.
- Military Technology: Resources that went to Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles (MRAPs) and counter-IED technology in our timeline would instead fund different priorities, possibly accelerating development in areas like cyber capabilities, hypersonic weapons, and space-based systems.
- Personnel Impact: Without hundreds of thousands of veterans with combat experience in Iraq and Afghanistan, the cultural and institutional knowledge of the U.S. military would be substantially different. Lower rates of combat-related injuries, including PTSD and traumatic brain injuries, would change veteran healthcare needs.
Global Defense Spending
- U.S. Defense Budget: Without two major wars, U.S. defense spending would likely be significantly lower, potentially $2-4 trillion less over two decades, allowing for different fiscal priorities.
- NATO Dynamics: European NATO members might feel less pressure to increase defense spending without U.S. operations straining alliance resources, potentially leading to even lower European defense budgets than in our timeline.
Military Bases and Presence
- Middle East Footprint: The substantial expansion of U.S. military bases across the Middle East that occurred during the War on Terror would not take place, meaning a much smaller U.S. military footprint in the region.
- Central Asia: Without the Afghanistan War, the United States would not establish bases in Central Asian countries like Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, potentially leaving Russia with greater influence in the region.
Political and Economic Repercussions
The absence of the War on Terror would reshape both domestic politics and the global economy:
U.S. Domestic Politics
- Presidential Politics: Without the Iraq War becoming increasingly unpopular, Republican electoral prospects might be stronger in 2006 and 2008. Conversely, Barack Obama's early opposition to the Iraq War was central to his 2008 primary victory; without that war, his path to the presidency might be significantly different or nonexistent.
- Polarization: While political polarization would still increase due to other factors, the bitter divisions over the Iraq War and counterterrorism policies would not contribute to partisan animosity.
- Budget Politics: Without war spending driving up deficits, debates about fiscal policy during the 2010s might focus more on domestic programs and tax policy rather than military spending.
Global Economic Impact
- Oil Markets: Without the Iraq War disrupting Iraqi oil production and creating uncertainty in Middle East energy markets, oil prices might follow a different trajectory, potentially avoiding some of the extreme price spikes seen in the mid-2000s.
- Federal Budget: The trillions saved from avoided wars could result in lower U.S. national debt, different tax policies, or increased domestic spending, fundamentally altering fiscal debates of the 2010s.
- Defense Industry: The defense industry would develop differently, with less emphasis on counterinsurgency equipment and more on conventional systems aimed at peer competitors.
Middle East Regional Dynamics
The absence of the War on Terror would profoundly affect Middle East politics and security:
Iraq and Iran
- Continuation of Saddam's Rule: Saddam Hussein would likely remain in power into the 2010s, continuing to serve as a counterbalance to Iranian influence. His eventual succession (whether through natural death or internal coup) would significantly shape regional politics.
- Iranian Nuclear Program: Without the removal of Iran's regional enemy (Saddam) and the subsequent increase in Iranian influence, negotiations over Iran's nuclear program might follow a different path, potentially with less urgency from the Western perspective.
- Sectarian Tensions: The significant escalation of Sunni-Shia tensions that resulted from the Iraq War would likely be less pronounced, though still present due to other regional factors.
Arab Spring and Aftermath
- Different Regional Context: When the Arab Spring protests began in late 2010, they would unfold in a region not transformed by the Iraq War. While the fundamental causes of unrest would remain, the responses and outcomes might differ significantly.
- Libya and Syria: Without the Iraq War precedent, Western powers might be even more hesitant to intervene in Libya in 2011. Similarly, the Syrian Civil War might unfold differently without Iraq War veterans and jihadists flowing into the conflict.
Palestinian-Israeli Conflict
- Diplomatic Bandwidth: Without the distraction of two major wars, U.S. administrations might devote more diplomatic resources to Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts, potentially yielding different outcomes.
- Regional Alliances: The reconfiguration of Middle East alliances that occurred partly in response to the Iraq War and rising Iranian influence would develop differently, potentially affecting relationships between Israel and Gulf states.
Civil Liberties and Surveillance
The domestic legal and surveillance landscape would be dramatically different without the War on Terror framework:
Legal Frameworks
- No PATRIOT Act: Without the sweeping PATRIOT Act, surveillance authorities would remain more limited, with greater judicial oversight and narrower scope.
- Military Detention: The controversial practice of military detention for terrorism suspects, including at Guantanamo Bay, would not become a significant part of U.S. counterterrorism policy.
- International Law: The legal controversies surrounding torture, extraordinary rendition, and targeted killing would largely be avoided, preserving U.S. moral authority and leadership on human rights issues.
Intelligence Capabilities
- Targeted vs. Mass Surveillance: Without the pressure to prevent another 9/11-scale attack at all costs, intelligence agencies would likely develop more targeted surveillance capabilities rather than the mass surveillance programs revealed by Edward Snowden.
- Public-Private Relationships: The relationship between technology companies and intelligence agencies would evolve differently, potentially with less tension over encryption and data privacy.
Cultural Impact
- Security Culture: The ubiquitous "if you see something, say something" security culture might be less pronounced, with fewer aspects of daily life shaped by security concerns.
- Muslim Communities: Without the War on Terror's focus on Islamic extremism, Muslim communities in Western countries might face less suspicion, surveillance, and discrimination, potentially leading to different patterns of integration and political participation.
Present Day (2025)
By 2025 in this alternate timeline, the world would look substantially different from our own:
- Global Threats: Rather than focusing primarily on countering terrorism, the United States and its allies would have spent more of the past two decades addressing other challenges, including the rise of China, climate change, and pandemic preparedness.
- Military Readiness: The U.S. military, not having spent two decades focused on counterinsurgency, might be better prepared for great power competition with China and Russia, but with less experience in irregular warfare.
- Middle East: The Middle East would remain troubled by authoritarianism and sectarian tensions, but without the specific power vacuums and state failures created by the Iraq War and its regional ripple effects.
- Domestic Politics: U.S. politics would still be polarized, but without the specific divisions created by the War on Terror. Veterans' issues would be less prominent, and debates about surveillance and security would take different forms.
- International Institutions: International institutions and alliances, not strained by disagreements over Iraq and counterterrorism practices, might be stronger and more effective in addressing global challenges.
Expert Opinions
Dr. Richard Haass, President Emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations, offers this perspective: "The decision to frame the response to 9/11 as a 'War on Terror' rather than as a more limited counterterrorism campaign was perhaps the most consequential American foreign policy choice of the 21st century. In an alternate timeline where the U.S. pursued a more targeted approach, we would likely see a world where American resources, attention, and moral authority had not been so deeply committed to Middle East conflicts. The rise of China would likely have commanded far more policy focus throughout the 2000s and 2010s, potentially leading to more effective strategies for managing great power competition. However, it's important to note that without the lesson of Iraq, the United States might have been more interventionist in other contexts, such as Libya or Syria, carrying different but equally significant risks."
Professor Maha Azzam, specialist in political Islam at the London School of Economics, provides another analysis: "Without large-scale Western military interventions in Muslim-majority countries, jihadist narratives about 'defensive jihad' against foreign occupiers would have had significantly less resonance. This doesn't mean terrorist threats would have disappeared—the ideological roots of groups like al-Qaeda predated the War on Terror—but the rapid expansion of jihadist movements we witnessed after the Iraq invasion would likely not have occurred. Instead, Islamist movements might have continued evolving toward political participation rather than violent extremism, as we began to see during the early Arab Spring. The trajectory of political Islam over the past two decades would be fundamentally different, with profound implications for governance, security, and civil society across the Muslim world."
General Anthony Zinni (Ret.), former Commander of U.S. Central Command, considers the military implications: "Without the focus on counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. military would have continued its transformation toward a high-tech force designed primarily for conventional conflicts. The painful lessons in urban warfare, counterinsurgency, and cultural awareness that our forces learned at great cost would never have been acquired. This might have left us better prepared for potential conflicts with peer competitors like China, but potentially more vulnerable to the hybrid and irregular threats that have become increasingly common in the 21st century. The most significant benefit, however, would be avoiding the tremendous human cost—thousands of lives lost, tens of thousands wounded, and the invisible scars of PTSD and moral injury that have affected a generation of veterans."
Further Reading
- Fiasco: The American Military Adventure in Iraq by Thomas E. Ricks
- The Terror Years: From al-Qaeda to the Islamic State by Lawrence Wright
- Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire by Noam Chomsky
- Black Flags: The Rise of ISIS by Joby Warrick
- The Way of the Knife: The CIA, a Secret Army, and a War at the Ends of the Earth by Mark Mazzetti
- No Man's Land: Preparing for War and Peace in Post-9/11 America by Elizabeth D. Samet